Behind Kim Soo-hyun scandal: K-pop's underage culture and price of fame

Since March 10, South Korean actor Kim Soo-hyun has been at the center of a public scandal, facing accusations of a six-year relationship with the late actress Kim Sae-ron, who was allegedly a minor (15 years old) at the time.

Kim Soo-hyun is also being blamed for potentially playing a role in her death, with some suggesting that Kim Sae-ron's suicide was linked to financial and emotional distress caused by her agency, Gold Medalist, founded by Kim Soo-hyun.

The controversy has led to significant backlash, with brands such as the Italian luxury label Prada severing ties with Kim Soo-hyun.

If it is confirmed that Kim Soo-hyun was involved with Kim Sae-ron while she was underage, legal experts suggest that he could face criminal charges for statutory rape under South Korean law.

As this scandal unfolds, another issue within the K-pop industry has gained attention – the sexualization of underage idols.

A survival show titled "UNDER 15," featuring participants as young as nine years old, has sparked global criticism for its exploitation of underage contestants.

This raises the question: What has happened to K-pop, once the defining force of an entire generation's youth culture?

Longstanding trend of underage idols

The trend of underage idols in K-pop is far from new.

Starting in the 1990s and early 2000s, K-pop heavily drew upon the successful growth/trainee idol system in Japan.

Such idols typically enter entertainment companies at a very young age and receive extensive long-term training before eventually debuting. Examples include Japan's AKB48 and various idols produced by Johnny & Associates.

The primary characteristic of these idols are that they are very young, like a blank slate, making them highly malleable.

Moreover, as K-pop initially focused on the Japanese market, the belief that "youth sells" both domestically and abroad became even more firmly established.

Since the second generation of K-pop groups, there has been an explosive increase in idols debuting at the age of 15 or 16. For instance, idols born between 1992 and 1995 – such as Hyuna, Taemin, the late Sulli, and Krystal – made their debut around age 15.

Furthermore, "looking young" became another important criterion in selection.

In the early days, the K-pop industry favored idols who presented a pure, innocent image, such as the first-generation girl group S.E.S, who typically portrayed a fresh and radiant look, dressed mostly in casual, relaxed outfits.

From the second generation of girl groups onward, the "pure" image gradually evolved into "cute and sexy," which emphasized a girlish charm while still requiring a hint of mature femininity.

This style – seen in groups like Girls' Generation and Wonder Girls – relied on a playful, cute appearance but with an undercurrent of sultry maturity.

By the third generation of girl groups, "cute and sexy" had evolved into an overtly sensual style, sometimes criticized as "selling sex," leading to broadcasting stations ordering them to tone down their performances.

Groups like AOA were known for their tight outfits, stockings, miniskirts, and high heels; their songs contained suggestive lyrics and flirtatious melodies – features characteristic of K-pop girl groups during that period.

Such changes came about because, around the early 2010s, boy bands were drawing the lion's share of consumer interest – mostly from female fans.

To break this pattern, many producers of girl groups began to deliberately design female groups from a "male-gaze" perspective, even incorporating borderline "pedophilic" elements into their concepts.

Jody, a reporter at Kpopstarz, stated that to attract male audiences, female idols were forced to adopt a more sexual style, creating competition among them so that "with the increasing number of competitors, more and more skin gets exposed".

However, in recent years, the sexy concept has undergone yet another shift.

"Overt sexiness proved not to be sustainable, so a seemingly harmless, young-girl image is becoming the new concept of sexy," said veteran Korean pop culture journalist Choi Ji-eun in "Feminist Guide to Popular Culture."

In line with this trend, the fourth, fifth, and sixth-generation girl groups reverted to the sweet-sexy base of the second generation.

By the fifth and sixth generations, however, the overall image of girl groups had become more "childlike," showing baby-faced members singing songs with sexual undertones and performing provocative dance moves.

Previously, the sixth-generation girl group New Jeans came under fire for wearing school uniforms and performing a song called "Cookie," which contained sexual suggestiveness – even though some members were minors.

Choi Ji-eun believes that the new notion of sexy stems from the audience's desire to find a "less powerful object".

"Previously popular 'sexy' styles were more adult, still retaining a hint of 'I want to display my own sexiness' – some sense of agency … but now, sexiness is more about an 'innocence' that isn't overtly trying to please men," Choi said.

Why changing sexualization is so difficult

If K-pop merely employed underage singers to perform on stage, it might not have prompted such fierce backlash, as simple performances are closer to the traditional idea of child stars.

However, underage idols are inextricably bound to the growth/trainee model. This means that fans can influence a minor idol's development through money or verbal feedback.

In some cases, it can extend into a distorted sort of "justifiable pedophilia" projected onto young idols.

For instance, Min Hee-jin – who served as the visual director and producer for SHINee, f(x), and New Jeans – faced accusations of pedophilia in some of her design concepts and promotional posters.

Likewise, the Johnny Kitagawa scandal in Japan (where the founder of Johnny & Associates was accused of sexually abusing minors) heightened the public's perception of the risks associated with underage idols.

In other words, the main objection is that "underage idols are being sexualized" – that audiences view these children from a sexual standpoint.

Yet, this sexualization is extremely difficult to eradicate.

The most direct reason is that an idol, by definition, is a product of "the gaze," and female idols, in particular, are doubly confined by the male gaze, and treated as commodified objects of fantasy.

As John Seabrook, an American writer and journalist, wrote in an article in "The New Yorker," K-pop girl idols are meticulously produced "factory girls," treated as products rolling off an assembly line, rather than real, living individuals.

Moreover, the success of K-pop, to some extent, is driven by the sexualization of idols.

As Choi Ji-eun points out: "The entertainment industry, represented by idol groups, ultimately operates on people's desires. It taps into how people can become irrational or even obsessed once they love something."

From the audience's perspective, they enjoy the "sexualized" idols because this form of sexualization can sometimes provide them with a sense of power they lack in everyday life.

"K-pop audiences might think: my own life is frequently unfulfilling, so being able to exercise control – even if only in that distant world – is still better than nothing," cultural critic Son Hee-jung writes in "Feminist Guide to Popular Culture."

Nevertheless, some studies also suggest that fans – particularly older fans – may be unaware of the potential issues that stem from the sexualization of idols.

Professor Gyu Tag Lee of George Mason University Korea points out: "K-pop fans are no longer limited to teenagers; they now extend into people in their 20s to 40s, and sometimes even older. We'll never fully know the true intentions of these 'aunties' and 'uncles' deep down inside."

As Korean cultural critic Choi Ji-sun notes: "Idols are forced to play non-human roles. They devote time and effort to performing those roles, but once they're no longer marketable, they're discarded."

Perhaps the first step in breaking the cycle of sexualization is to reframe the very concept of idols as commodities.

But, for now – particularly for female idols – the notion of "idol autonomy" has yet to be realized.

Ultimately, the sexualization of idols is driven by the supply chain of the K-pop industry – its agencies and its consumers. Without systemic changes at both ends, moving beyond such sexualization remains a challenge.