Europe should emulate Australia in rethinking its China relations

Gloria Sand
Instead of ignoring Australian Prime Minister Albanese's effective management of the tense relations with China, Europe ought to closely consider its complexities.
Gloria Sand

Seen from Europe, Australia is a distant country typically connected with the image of a free-spirited place as well as the notion of representing the final bastion of US involvement in the Indo-Pacific. Nothing could be more inaccurate or distant from the truth.

On the one hand, Australia, with the exception of the outback, is more of a realm of laws than a kingdom of infinite freedom; on the other hand, we should view it as a master of behind-the-scenes negotiations, rather than as the final bastion of American influence in the region. China serves as an example of the most successful discreet and low-profile diplomacy.

It would be prudent for Europe and its member states to follow Australia's lead in determining the optimal strategy for redefining bilateral relations with China during this very delicate historical period. An increasingly imbalanced and developing geopolitical equilibrium entwines the systemic rivalry between China and the US, which is unlikely to resolve in the short to medium term.

Perhaps due to a lack of experience, or perhaps because it is still too limited in its ability to comprehend China's otherness, Europe appears to pay attention exclusively to events and narratives that support its own viewpoint. That is, China is an untrustworthy country that poses a severe political, economic and military threat.

An example of this deeply biased attitude is the media attention given to the country when, in April 2020, during Scott Morrison's government, Australia joined the United States in calling for an "independent international investigation" into China's response to the coronavirus pandemic, as well as the harsh economic war that followed.

This sudden endorsement of what was dubbed the "Australian brave and responsible attitude" was followed by a complete lack of interest in Anthony Albanese government's more constructive attitude since May 2022, whose main goals were to relaunch bilateral dialogue and improve Sino-Australian relations while preventing the United States from interfering with their new policy.

Another factor that Europe has so far neglected is that Albanese not only reconnected with China but did so in a context that was primarily concerned with preserving Australia's interests. Indeed, he mustered the bravery to prioritize Australia's demands over those of the United States in the name of much-vaunted strategic autonomy, a geopolitical stance articulated only by French President Emmanuel Macron in Europe, with no real tangible results so far.

What has Australia accomplished that is so special and unique? To put it simply, Australia has returned to its historical diplomatic tradition of maintaining all feasible channels of communication with China in order to create the confidence required to address even the most sensitive matters on a regular and discreet basis, without any media coverage. Indeed, since 2022, when leadership meetings resumed and helped stabilize Australia-China relations, most of the tariffs imposed during the pandemic have been gradually eliminated, and bilateral trade has boomed again.

In November 2024, a record number of Australian companies attended the China International Import Expo, the world's largest trade expo, where Minister for Trade and Tourism Don Farrell predicted that trade with China would reach A$400 billion (US$248 billion), up from A$327 billion the previous year.

Canberra's determination to relaunch bilateral trade with Beijing is evident in the return of industries like wine and lobster to China shortly after the lifting of restrictions. Focusing on more strategic challenges, it is vital to remember that in 2023, China purchased 98 percent of Australia's lightly processed lithium exports, totaling US$13.1 billion.

In contrast, the US purchased only US$12.4 million! While media emphasize the benefits of decoupling, it's important to remember that Australia's rock lobster producers have struggled to diversify their sales, with China accounting for 90 percent of global imports.

Albanese has been realistic, and his pragmatic stance during the G20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro in June 2024 earned him public acclaim for his statecraft of strategic autonomy independent of US influence, which "serves Australia's interests best."

This rapprochement does not imply that Australia is closer to China or endorses its geopolitical agenda. On the contrary, the country still at times took some "regional coercive actions." Albanese has put an end to his predecessor's damaging "blame and shame" game, which had the full support of national media, in order to build the groundwork for a constructive dialogue and the stabilization of a less toxic media narrative. And the implications of this profound transition are huge.

What Europe has yet to realize is that Beijing wants to do business and flourish; it has no interest in conquering the West's minds and hearts, let alone its territories.

China recognizes the wide gap between itself and the West from all angles. This is why China only seeks recognition and business, not anything more. As the Australian example has shown, disagreements are likely to endure, but they can be dealt with constructively within a more traditional framework of issue linkage, rather than succumbing to another useless witch hunt.

Let's hope that European countries will follow Australia's example before it's too late. Otherwise, there is a risk of losing economic possibilities and peace, as well as what is destined to be an unresolvable conflict of values.

(The author is an independent researcher based in Paris. The views are her own.)


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